Showing posts with label Bipartite networks. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bipartite networks. Show all posts

Tuesday, December 20, 2016

Isogloss maps are hypergraphs are bipartite networks


Linguists are a very special people. They are very proud, especially when biologists tell them how to do phylogenetic analyses; but their pride is often also justified, as many phylogenetic concepts were initially or independently developed by linguists, be it the family tree model, proposed years before Darwin's (1859) tree by Ćelakovský (1853), or even the cladistic principle of synapomorphies, which are called "exclusively shared innovations" in linguistics (see Brugmann 1884).

Linguists also invented one interesting kind of data-display which so far has never been used by biologists (at least as far as I know): maps of isogloss boundaries. The term "isogloss" is an unfortunate term, as it has multiple usages in linguistics, and its history seems to go back to a naive borrowing from chemistry (but I have not really followed the literature here). On most occasions, it just means "shared trait". That is, it denotes a features shared between two or more languages; and given that languages may share many different features, isoglosses for a group of related languages may yield a very complex type of data. Isoglosses are somehow related to the wave theory, the arch-enemy of the family tree in linguistics, which I described as a mystical theory some time ago, since it never really made it to a clear-cut model that could be formalized (The Wave Theory: the predecessor of network thinking in historical linguistics ).

Some linguists, nevertheless, insist that the waves that are the core of the wave theory are nothing other than isoglosses. More specifically, the waves represent innovations that contribute to the separation of languages (a change in pronunciation of a word here, a change in grammar there), but which are not transmitted vertically — they spread across the speakers of a language and may even cross linguistic borders. One early visualization of these waves can be found in Bloomfield (1933), as shown here:


What Bloomfield essentially does here is pick certain traits of Indo-European languages, calling them isoglosses, and arrange them on a quasi-geographic map of Indo-European languages in such a way that all languages sharing a trait are inside one of these isogloss boundaries.

Only recently, I realised, what this actually means, when I found the "Bible of Network Theory" by Newman (2010) and started reading at a random page, which — as it turned out — treated hypergraphs. Hypergraphs, as I learned from Newman, are graphs in which one edge can connect to more than one node, and Newman used exactly the same visualization for these hyperedges as Bloomfield had done in 1933, without knowing that it was actually a rather complex network structure he was proposing.

Even more interesting than the complex graph structure is that hypergraphs can be likewise displayed as bipartite networks, in which we distinguish two fundamental kinds of nodes, and in which connections are only allowed between nodes of different kinds, without losing any information. In order to do so, one just converts all hyperedges into a node that connects to all nodes (languages in our case) to which the edges connect in the hypergraph. In the same way that Bloomfield labeled the hyperedges in his legend, we can label the isogloss nodes that connect to the languages. The following image shows the resulting bipartite network for Bloomfield's hypergraph:


If you now ask what this tells us after all, I will disappoint you — so far it does not tell us anything, it is just a display of data in a different fashion. Note, however, that hypergraph visualization is not a trivial problem, and if you have enclaves not sharing a trait, it may even be impossible to visualize hypergraphs in a two-dimensional space by just using one line that connects to all nodes. Bipartite networks are easier to handle in this regard. Even more importantly, however, bipartite graphs are also easy to handle algorithmically, and biologists are currently developing new methods to handle them (Corel et al. 2016).

If we visualize the Bloomfield data in a bipartite network using network visualization software such as Cytoscape, we can conveniently explore the data, and arrange the nodes in order to search for patterns in the isoglosses. The following visualization, for example, shows that Bloomfield chose the data well in order to illustrate the amount of conflicting, apparently non-tree-like, signal in Indo-European languages (remember that linguists tend to dislike trees, but not necessarily in a productive way), as the data describes more of a circular structure than a strict hierarchy.


In order to really interpret this kind of data, however, we should not forget that this is still a data-display network. It is by no means a phylogenetic analysis, as we only show how a certain amount of data selected by a scholar and distributed over the given language groups. A true phylogenetic analysis will need to interpret these data, making bold claims about the history of those shared traits.

The existence of sibilants (s-like sounds, like [s, z, ʃˌ ʒ]) for certain velar sounds (k-like sounds, like [k, g, x]), for example, is a trait shared by Balto-Slavic, Indo-Iranian, Armenian, and Albanian, but this does not mean that they all inherited it from a common ancestor, as the process of palatalization, by which velar sounds turn into affricates and fricatives (compare French cent, which was pronounced kentum in Latin), is very frequent in the languages of the world, and may well reflect independent evolution.

Apart from independent development, which would actually force us to revise our network, deleting the respective edges because they are not homologous in the strict sense means that we may also have to deal with differential loss. This quite likely happened with the shared feature labeled as "past e-" in the network, referring to the past tense in Ancient Greek and Indo-Iranian, which was augmented by the prefix e-.

A further reason for those commonalities labelled as isoglosses by linguists may also be simple lateral transfer due to language contact.

Proponents of the wave theory have taken this kind of data as proof that the family tree model is essentially wrong. While I would agree that the family tree model shows only a certain aspect of language evolution, and may therefore be boring at times (and even wrong, if we do not manage to correctly interpret the nature of shared traits), I have a hard time understanding why linguists still insist that isogloss maps are an alternative model of language evolution. They are surely not, in the same way in which splits graphs are not phylogenetic networks, as David emphasized in a recent blogpost.

Unless we add the missing time dimension and analyse how the shared traits originated, isogloss maps and hypergraphs will remain nothing more than an interesting form of data visualization. Given the recent research on bipartite networks, however, we may have some hope that the mysterious waves in historical linguistics may not only find a formal model of representation, but even bring us to the point where we gain new insights into the history of our languages.

References
  • Bloomfield, L. (1973) Language. Allen & Unwin: London.
  • Brugmann, K. (1884) Zur Frage nach den Verwandtschaftsverhältnissen der indogermanischen Sprachen [Questions regarding the closer relationship of the Indo-European languages]. Internationale Zeischrift für allgemeine Sprachewissenschaft 1. 228-256.
  • Čelakovský, F. (1853) Čtení o srovnavací mluvnici slovanské [Lectures on comparative grammar of Slavic]. V komisí u F. Řivnáče: Prague.
  • Corel, E., P. Lopez, R. Méheust, and E. Bapteste (2016) Network-thinking: graphs to analyze microbial complexity and evolution. Trends Microbiol. 24.3: 224-237.
  • Darwin, C. (1859) On the origin of species by means of natural selection, or, the preservation of favoured races in the struggle for life. John Murray: London.
  • Newman, M. (2010) Networks. An Introduction. Oxford University Press: Oxford.

Tuesday, February 16, 2016

Through a glass darkly


In an earlier blogpost I mentioned the now largely abandoned discipline of lexicostatistics that was in vogue in the 1950s, originally initiated by Morris Swadesh (1909-1967; Swadesh 1950, 1952, 1955), but abandoned in the 1960s and henceforth often labeled as some kind of a failed theory that was explicitly proven to be wrong.

The crucial idea of Swadesh was to investigate lexical change from the perspective of the meaning of words. This perspective is contrasted with the perspective which takes similar (cognate) word forms in different languages as a starting point and compares to which degree they differ in their meanings. Swadesh's perspective, instead, starts from a set of meanings and investigates by which word forms they are expressed, and is also called an onomasiological perspective (which "names" are assigned to concepts?), while the other perspective is called a semasiological perspective (which "meanings" can words have?).

From a semasiological perspective, we would start from a set of related words and investigate their meanings. In this way, we could compare English head with German Hauptstadt "capital city" or English cup with German Kopf "head". Through such an analysis, we would learn that there was a semantic shift from the German word Haupt, which originally meant "head", to a more abstract meaning that is now probably best translated as "capital" or "main", and only occurs in compounds, such as Hauptstadt "capital city", Hauptursache "main reason", etc.

From an onomasialogical perspective, we would start from a set of meanings and investigate which words are use in order to express them in different languages:

No. Items German English Dutch Russian
1 hand Hand hand hand ruka
2 arm Arm arm arm ruka
3 mainly hauptsächlich mainly hoofdzakelijk glavny
4 head Kopf, (Haupt) head hoofd, kop golova
5 cup Tasse cup kop stakan
... ... ... ... ... ...

When looking at specific meanings in this way, one can find interesting patterns within one and the same language whenever a language uses the same or similar words to express what are different concepts in other languages. Russian thus uses the same word for "hand" and "arm", Dutch shows the same word for "head" and "cup", and Russian, Dutsch, and German have similar forms for "mainly" and "head". These patterns can be historically interpreted by reconstructing patterns of semantic shift. In the case of English cup, German Kopf, and Dutch kop, for example, the original meaning of the words was "vessel" or "cup". Later on, the word changed its meaning and came to denote "head" in German. The transition is still reflected in Dutch, where the word can denote both meanings.

We can model this situation by assuming that every word in a language has a certain reference potential (Schwarz 1996: 175; Allwood 2003; List 2014: 21f, 36). This means that every word has the potential to denote different things in the world, due to the concept it denotes primarily. In List (2014: 21), I have tried to depict this as follows:

Reference Potential of the Linguistic Sign

In this visualization, a word form refers to a meaning, and the meaning itself has the potential to denote various things in the world, but with different probabilities. A word that primarily means "head", for example, may likewise be used to denote the "first person", as in the "head of a group", and a word that primarily means "melon" may also be used to denote a "head", due to the similarity in form. We can investigate the reference potential of words by simply looking at different translations in dictionaries. As an example (from List 2014: 36), when looking at our three words English cup, Dutch kop, and German Kopf, we find the following rough arrangement with respect to the reference potential of the word (the thickness of the arrows indicating differences in denotation probability):

Reference Potential of Words Across Languages

Why do I mention all of this? First, I wanted to show that lexical change, no matter which perspective we take, is a very complex phenomenon. In a simplifying model, we could think of a lexicon as a bipartite network consisting of nodes that represent word forms in a language and nodes that represent meanings, and weighted links between word forms and meanings denoting the frequency by which a word is used to denote a given meaning. In such a network representation, lexical change could be modelled as the re-arrangement of the edges between word forms and meanings. If a word form looses all its edges, this word is lost from the language, but we could also think of new words entering the language, be it that they are borrowed, or created from the language itself. Such a model would be very simplistic, ignoring aspects like word compounding, by which new words are created from existing ones. But it would be much more realistic than the idea that lexical change is just about the gain and loss of words, as assumed in the quasi-standard model of lexical change in phylogenetic reconstruction.

This brings us to my second point. When Swadesh introduced lexicostatistics, and his very specific onomasiological perspective on lexical change, he established a model of lexical change that would deliberately ignore all interesting processes underlying the phenomenon. Since then, we have been looking through a glass darkly. This is like a crime inspector having no other means but watching potential suspects through the windows of their apartments, noticing changes, like the differently coloured words in state A and state B in the Figure below, but never knowing what was really going on inside those flats (state C).

Trough a Glass Darkly: The lexicostatistic perspective on lexical change (A, B), and what is really going on (C).

Yet, when being honest with oneself, the problem of looking through a glass darkly does not pertain to the lexicostatistic perspective alone, but effectively applies to all of our research on language change. It is just the size and the number of windows that we survey, and the cleanliness of the glasses, that may make a little difference.

References
  • Allwood, J. (2003) Meaning potentials and context: Some consequences for the analysis of variation in meaning. In: Cuyckens, H., R. Dirven, and J. Taylor (eds.): Cognitive approaches to lexical semantics. Mouton de Gruyter: Berlin and New York. 29-65.
  • List, J.-M. (2014) Sequence comparison in historical linguistics. Düsseldorf University Press: Düsseldorf.
  • Schwarz, M. (1996) Einführung in die kognitive Linguistik. Francke: Basel and Tübingen.
  • Swadesh, M. (1950) Salish internal relationships. Int. J. Am. Linguist. 16.4. 157-167.
  • Swadesh, M. (1952) Lexico-statistic dating of prehistoric ethnic contacts. With special reference to North American Indians and Eskimos. Proc. Am. Philol. Soc. 96.4. 452-463.
  • Swadesh, M. (1955) Towards greater accuracy in lexicostatistic dating. Int. J. Am. Linguist. 21.2. 121-137.